Lebanon

This conversation and critique has not left my mind the past several days. I posted an initial engagement with Yasser, to which both he and Jeff thoughtfully responded (their full comments follow my original posting).
I am in new territory. I do not consider myself to have ‘the right view’ (whatever that might be); rather, I believe that engaging in such a conversation publicly is a way for me (and hopefully others as well) to learn more, perhaps even to grow and change in our own selves. I go so far, sometimes, as to envision change in the world situation based upon discourses we create and spread.
Perhaps over time, or via specific invitation, it will make sense for me to pull particular quotes from our writings to illustrate (mis)understanding and/or deconstruct meanings, but for now I want to reply more broadly to the tone or quality of both responses. If I over-infer or blatantly misinterpret I hope no one will let it slide. This conversation is much too important to let even the small annoyances go (indeed, perhaps it is in addressing the seemingly small that we can build to the larger and more obviously pressing?)
First, both seemed to feel the need to protect me. I read this as a signal that I am ‘out-of-step’ with this particular intellectual community, or at least at risk of being perceived in this way, of suddenly being counted as among the enemy. I appreciate the engagement and am grateful for &emdash; and relieved by &emdash; the gestures of inclusion. Thanks. ­čÖé
Second, there is a concern, in both Jeff and Yasser’s responses, that I learn or otherwise come to know certain facts (of history, of media representation, of politics, of language, of precedent…) I agree that this kind of knowledge is important (and I hope various folks will continue to contribute such facts as they seem relevant to the conversation), but I’m not convinced of their utility in generating an actual change in conditions. This is what I mean by pressing against a dialectical framing of the situation: the repetition of the same arguments serves to keep the argument alive. I do not see how this can lead to resolution.
This is slippery, however, because I understand (as Yasser explained) that the framing of this as an argument with sides is a problem, and also that if it is conceived in this way, only one side has been widely ‘heard’ in the West (especially in the US). So there is a place for repetition, but I am raising the question of which place, as well as when. The timing matters as much as the content.
The next level of complication is the sheer urgency of the situation for the people who are in it. It is horrifying to imagine the literal suffering in its physical, emotional, and spiritual dimensions. Such pain inspires polemics. So now &emdash; today &emdash; I have just read the introduction to a small new book by Tariq Ali, Conversations with Edward Said (2006). I read during lunch at the café of Istanbul Modern art museum, where, as I entered the grounds, my eye was immediately drawn to what I thought were angels. My interpretation didn’t change, even as I got closer, although I started to think they didn’t look very happy. Then I saw the title, “Europeans.”

european.JPG.jpg

Here is what I have learned from Ali and Said that seems relevant to this discussion:


Said critiqued the West for orientalism and the Palestinian leadership for lack of strategic vision. Called to politics by the 1967 war, many of Said’s heroes were Zionists in what he describes as a fanatical sense: “Not just pro-Israeli: they said the most awful things about the Arabs, in print” (7). [I note this to mark that I am not alone in recognizing at least two kinds of Zionism.] The combination of admirable and hateful qualities in men (?) Said personally admired was one of the crucial contradictions he critiqued and brought to intellectual/public conscience.
Ali bemoans the fact that Foucault’s notion of discourse “was, alas, an important influence” (8). I am not sure what Ali means, here. Is he saying Foucault was an unfortunate influence upon Said? Or that Foucault himself contributed to orientalist discourse? As a matter for critical discourse analysis, it may be proper that a polemic be brought against the “portray[al of] imperialist suppositions as a universal truth” (8), because a polemic gathers and concentrates a forceful voice in a claim for a discursive space of (self) representation. But to be great, according to Ali, a polemic “eschews balance” (8). Of course there is a point of pride to be held in any offensive which reveals an enemy’s flaws and weakness, but at some point one must recognize and act on the potential to change the discourse if one wants to change the constitutive conditions on the ground. Otherwise a dialectical monologic persists.
That Said apparently took it as necessary to maintain pure hatred (indicated by his refusal to engage a reconciliation with Ernest Gellner) concerns me. Ali states it this way: “hatred must be pure to be effective” (11). I do not know the details of what Ali describes as “a celebrated exchange” between Gellner and Said (10), but the characterization that “Said was unforgiving” makes me wonder about his own sense of comfort (identity?) in the polemic zone (11). Please don’t read me wrong! I am not trying to argue that Said “ought” to have done anything differently. I am trying to argue that just because Said’s polemics were effective and necessary at the time doesn’t automatically prove that such polemics remain the best way.
Oy, I feel myself sinking into a mire! I don’t think Yasser, myself, or Jeff have written in an polemic way, rather, that our perspectives have been shaped, to varying degrees, by our exposure to certain polemics. It is true that I have been more exposed to Jewish accounts of 6000 years of attempted genocide than I am to the ways in which “The Palestinians had become the indirect victims of the European Judeocide of the Second World War” (11). I am not convinced that there is a moral equation of “worse” or “better,” “acceptable” or “unforgivable” when comparing the militaristic actions of the Israeli state with, for instance, Said’s characterization of Hamas: “I see them as creatures of the moment, for whom Islam is an opportunity to protest against the current stalemate, the mediocrity and bankruptcy of the ruling [Palestinian] party” (14, all quotes are from interviews in June, 1994).
Learning the details of a particular set of injustices does not negate the details of any other set of injustices. Hierarchies of the oppressed only serve to protect the genuine elites &emdash; of which there are Arabs as well as Jews, along with Christians (keeping a restricted focus on the West and Near East). I do wonder what happened to Moustapha Barghuti? Said had high hopes of him as the leader of the National Political Initiative.
My hope in Said is restored (after the disappointment of his embrace of hatred), or perhaps I should say balanced, by the critiques he leveled at certain post-modern critics “for their stress on identity on hostility to narrative” (9). If we agree (Said and me, grin) that narrative matters more than identity, then how far a leap is it from narrative (the telling of a story &emdash; a dialectic?) to dialogical discourse: the talking of a story into being?
[FYI – in seeking links I came across a blog entry which links to an audiorecording of an interview with Said in April, 2000.]

2 thoughts on “Lebanon”

  1. Steph,
    In your earlier post about the issue, u said something to the effect of “those of us who fashion ourselves intellectuals concerned with social justice cannot afford the luxury of an “obvious” villain or victim.How do we break out of the dialectic? If we can’t find a way, who will?”
    i disagree with you and do not think it is upto the intellectuals to find a way at all. And white intellectuals however concerned they are with social justice can never understand the reality of colonization and the rasicm rampant in it and what its implications are today.
    To compare Hezbollah and Israel as two sides in a war is an example of the disconnect that will always be present between the white west and the fighters in the east.
    That is the very problem i had with a panel discussion i went to recently. People spoke abut how we shouldnt take sides and how we should talk about injustices committed by all and how we shoud talk about peace for all. This is all very well to talk about on a blog or a forum but these are not the questions the Lebanese are dealing with now, and they need to fight back with all their might against a very strong colonizer.
    We do them a great disservice by complicating things that are so simply clear to many non-intellectuals all around the world. There is a place for a militia in the middle east as long as the west doesnt stop its opression in the region.
    The whole rhetoric of “Islamic fundamentalism” without the acknowledgement of any kind of history of the region is in my opinion a very rasict rhetoric and i find it more problematic that even progressive whites buy into it.

  2. [My apologies for the formatting problems–not sure how to make it register my paragraph breaks, etc.]
    I’ve been following this discussion/debate with great interest and I don’t necessarily feel like I have a great deal to contribute, but just a few quick notes:
    First, a small one on Zionism: you’re right, Steph, that Zionism (like any broad-based ideological movement) is not just one thing, but we also should not be quick to assume that saying, “There are many zionisms,” implies that there are good ones and bad ones, nice ones and not-so-nice ones, in the context of the current Israeli state. Chomsky discusses in various places what used to be known as “left Zionism”–a set of movements ranging (from what I understand) from leftists who saw the Zionist vision of statehood in a theoretical, non-literal sense to something like what Stanley Aronowitz describes (w/reference to Chomsky) as follows: “The left socialists were not for an ethnic state that was Jewish, but for a bi-national state where Jews and Palestinians could live with each other and attempt to build an egalitarian, socialist society based on mutual respect.”
    Those conceptions–which I would guess that most folks reading this blog would be somewhat open to–are simply non-existent within mainstream Israeli politics and mainstream political discourse w/in the US and elsewhere. So much so, in fact, that what used to be known as left Zionism is now typically called anti-Zionism and even anti-Semitism; meanwhile, what “Zionism” typically means in public discourses is very much the (now incredibly powerful) “racist political movement” Yasser describes.
    Second, because you mention Said, I wanted to share the following statement (which I’m sure many people have seen already), written and signed by a range of Said’s friends and fellow travelers in early August. I agree that particular arguments, rhetorics and polemics (and, of course, other kinds of actions) should always be tailored to the specific situation at hand, and that what is appropriate and necessary at a given time might not be at another. Given that (and if it’s worth speculating at all about what Said would be saying during all of this), I’m guessing the following is indicative of the kinds of public rhetorics and polemics Said would be choosing at the moment.
    War crimes and Lebanon
    Thursday August 3, 2006
    Guardian
    The US-backed Israeli assault on Lebanon has left the country numb, smouldering and angry. The massacre in Qana and the loss of life is not simply “disproportionate”. It is, according to existing international laws, a war crime.
    The deliberate and systematic destruction of Lebanon’s social infrastructure by the Israeli air force was also a war crime, designed to reduce that country to the status of an Israeli-US protectorate. The attempt has backfired. In Lebanon itself, 87% of the population now support Hizbullah’s resistance, including 80% of Christian and Druze and 89% of Sunni Muslims, while 8% believe the US supports Lebanon. But these actions will not be tried by any court set up by the “international community” since the US and its allies that commit or are complicit in these appalling crimes will not permit it.
    It has now become clear that the assault on Lebanon to wipe out Hizbullah had been prepared long before. Israel’s crimes had been given a green light by the US and its loyal British ally, despite the opposition to Blair in his own country.
    In short, the peace that Lebanon enjoyed has come to an end, and a paralysed country is forced to remember a past it had hoped to forget. The state terror inflicted on Lebanon is being repeated in the Gaza ghetto, while the “international community” stands by and watches in silence. Meanwhile, the rest of Palestine is annexed and dismantled with the direct participation of the US and the tacit approval of its allies.
    We offer our solidarity and support to the victims of this brutality and to those who mount a resistance against it. For our part, we will use all the means at our disposal to expose the complicity of our governments in these crimes. There will be no peace in the Middle East while the occupations of Palestine and Iraq and the temporarily “paused” bombings of Lebanon continue.
    Tariq Ali
    Noam Chomsky
    Eduardo Galeano
    Howard Zinn
    Ken Loach
    John Berger
    Arundhati Roy
    London

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