social justice: January 2008 Archives

hyperempathy

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Guilty as charged. :-/

A friend last night told me that that approximately 80% of what I write makes sense, but there's 20% when I lose her. That happened somewhere in the middle of reading yesterday's post. We hypothesized: boring? Lack of transition or context? Possibly, we mused, I wander too deep into my own mind, and simply do not make the links apparent - such writing is then "not a finished product," which can throw a reader off or away from the communication I attempt.

A few days earlier, another friend caught my systemic misspelling of Colombia and let me know (for which I am grateful, thanks). I was using the US version, Columbia, which refers to a different place and (obviously) invokes a much different context. Less obviously, but nonetheless apparent to a close reader, is what such a basic mistake reveals about me as an outsider. Just now, I'm up for a bit of self-chastising, as a pithy reviewer of television coverage of the US presidential campaign quotes Mark Twain:

...somewhere he said that “only presidents, editors and people with tapeworm have the right to use the editorial ‘we.’”

Dang. The thing is, I invoke "we" deliberately, as an act of membering, an attempt to constitute belonging. I started doing so, consciously and with intention, at last fall's second Dialogue under Occupation conference, which took place in Abu Dis, Palestine. I want to insist on a base level of togetherness among everyone who has participated in either of the first two conferences as a foundation for a community focused on tangible changes in entrenched institutional systems. There is no reason not to extend the boundary of "we" to include peace activists and change agents in Colombia and elsewhere in the world. The trick, as I was able to articulate a week or so after the conference, is to name violence without doing more.

Did you follow the link? I suspect this could be one place where I lose readers. Yesterday, for instance, I referenced a graduate level communication seminar on Language as Action and Performance. This link is not as straightforward as the one above concerning how we need to stop talking violence into inevitability. You have to notice, in today's instance, that the link feeds to a whole category of posts that I have related to each other through the label Language. Geez, even as I am explaining this (to myself as well, grin) I can see how much labor I hope you are willing to undertake. :-/ (Sorry!) The thing is, I am trying to work an epistemology, and I am still learning how to convert true beliefs into knowledge. (Another friend informs me that real philosophers limit the object/referent of "epistemology" to propositional knowledge, thereby excluding the how. My exposure to the term via pedagogy (education) and sociology will not allow a separation between the process and the outcome. Anthony Giddens' structuration theory describes this merger, and his distinction between practical consciousness and discursive consciousness explicates the interaction between "the how" of coming to know and "the what" of knowing.)

Giddens postulates a dynamic interplay between "practical consciousness" (tacit, take-for-granted knowledge) and "discursive consciousness" (knowledge/reasons that can be verbally articulated) as social agents reflexively monitor and rationalize their activities/practices. Practical consciousness is emphasized to a greater extent in this process, however, since it is linked directly with the casual mastery of routines....

In addition to the theoretical precepts which I am actively attempting to put into conscious and deliberate, "performative" action, there is the whole unique history of me as an embodied human being with particular experiences of social life and relationships. As much as I try to think "out from" myself as a person with agency to influence events and meanings, I also attend "inward" to the ways I react and then respond to events and the meanings I make of them. The conditioned dialectical interactions are what I want to shift from the dominant external power of established structure to an internal force of dialogical interaction that both recognizes my freedom to move variably within a range and concentrate my energies on a specific structural feature where I sense possibilities for a turn from one trajectory to another.


As I watched myself (over the past few days) feel and try to articulate some humanity for the other side, for the enemy, I realized that I always do this. I did this two years ago when Israel began bombing Lebanon and many of my friends burst into outrage. Yes yes yes, the bombing was wrong and unconscionable. The reasons for the attack are not justifiable under any ethical rubric. And - to use words that demonize all Israelis by casually conflating the policies of the government with the individual choices of citizens is a language trap. I think the same dynamic applies to Farc. As awful, horrific and devastating as their actions have been on the nearly one thousand individuals kidnapped, and miserable and agonizing as the pain ripples have been, we - not a royal imposition, but a self-selected cadre of compassionate people - have to manage not to throw our resulting pain back into the world, even onto those who elicit it.

I believe we must learn to manage our own pain, because I have been guilty of acting mine out on beloved others and observing the devastating effects. Sometimes, the guilt and depression are overwhelming. In fact, being able to throw myself into a support network on behalf of a friend was a means for surviving a severe bout that struck the same day as I learned of Ana and Alf's kidnapping. Would I have devoted so much energy if I was not so desperately trying, myself, to survive? I cannot say. What I can say, is that - having done so - my commitment is real.

(Note: the title bar is also a link.)

I've just perused several blogposts about Ana and Alf. They are obviously remarkable people, their cadre of friends a passionate force of spirit.

A professor in the Social Justice Program challenged me, some years ago when I was learning about the range of discrimination and depth of oppression of people with disabilities - in particular, struggling with issues of accessibility. How far do we go, she mused out-loud, to "limit" ourselves in order not to deny access to someone who couldn't be present (if for instance, someone wears perfume, or there is no ramp, or interpreters are not provided, or an activity requires the use of hands....) Her point was, the list is long, if we do everything to include everyone there will be nothing left to do. The matter of access is much more complicated than that reduction, but the sense of her point in context had something to do with the continual embrace of new struggles. I understood her thoughtful comment as a critique of my willingness to put energy toward "each new thing" and a question of whether shifting focus benefits social justice in the long run.

There is a danger of being overwhelmed by crisis, because there always is one right after another. The challenge is not to drop the previous struggles, rather, their lessons must be carried along into the new situation.

The lessons of previous kidnappings in Colombia are grim. The news headlines alone tell a discouraging story:

Efforts to Release Hostages in Colombia Stalled - an NPR radio commentary from two months ago, refers to an article printed in December: Bungle in the Jungle.

This appears to be a potentially pivotal time, actually, as Venezuelan President Chavez made a proposal just last week on behalf of FARC. Chavez has recently been negotiating the release of some hostages for some time (Fate Uncertain, January 1, 2008). Oliver Stone is even in on the action, upset after being invited to film a handover that did not occur. Just last week (January 10), two hostages were released.

My South American political knowledge is sorely shallow. I know Chavez came to power on a wave of working-class popularity, and has not made many friends among other governments in the region. He may also have lost some of his base ... ? Aligning himself with FARC no doubt has all kinds of implications and serves multiple agendas.

:-/

What I have gleaned so far is that hostages are usually held for years. :-( I have not watched the "hostage appeal video" from last summer; I am sure the conditions are lousy and the treatment inhumane. How could it be otherwise? :-(

All struggles that matter take time and involve many, many people. This isn't going to be easy.

the bubble thins...

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Friends of my friend were kidnapped in Colombia over the weekend.

Maria Claudia popped up in chat Monday, "Today is a weird day," she wrote.
"Why?"
"Two of my best friends were kidnapped last night."
"Oh my god."

It is real. Violence creeps closer, no matter how hard we try to keep it at bay, no matter how thickly we deny that it could happen to us or those we love.

They were on vacation at a calm, quiet community along the coast of Colombia - their homeland - and took a boat ride with other tourists (a total of six were taken). Maria Claudia sent me a photo of the young couple, they look So Happy Together!


so happy together2.jpg

I've been keeping their faces in mind, envisioning them safe, imagining processes that will lead to their release. A pastiche of memories and associations float in and out of consciousness. The young man in Qabatiya, Palestine, who argued there is no solution for the Palestinians except to increase the violence until the world forces Israel out; the apparently base "human" instinct of aggression and need for power/control - and how this is exacerbated by constant and unrelenting exposure to the prosperity of others, and how we, the others, persist with our pleasures: intent upon our own islands of happiness amidst great suffering.

FARC. Sure, I know the acronym. Well, I've read it. Heard it. The Spanish acronym translates to Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia. The history of the group is complicated - associated with a communist movement and the illegal drug trade. FARC has been around since 1964; they are strong and organized enough to run an internal government (called a secretariat) with large-scale organizational strategy conferences, and have been involved in international peace processes. In other words, they are not just going to go away.

Their tactics are abominable, but their ideological goals are not - at least, if they intend to live what they say they seek, then they are in a weird bedfellow relationship with many contemporary peace activists and anti-neoliberal-capitalists. As I say, IF they are primarily motivated by "fighting against privatization of natural resources [and] multinational corporations," then these are aims shared widely. That they use paramilitary violence (while ostensibly arguing for its end), is qualitatively - but not necessarily substantively - different from the official uses of military (and other) violence sanctioned by democratic and communist governments worldwide. The "other violence" is less overtly horrific, but the violences done by policy are part of what FARC ostensibly says they are against. I'm hedging, here, for a couple of reasons.

  1. I am just learning the blunt outline of the conflict, let alone any of its nuances.
  2. If Ana and Alf are to be released, it will be because there are ways to talk with FARC, not only against them.
  3. To talk with them means to allow them some benefit of doubt.
  4. What kind of doubt? That there is a nobility buried somewhere underneath the deliberate and active use of physical, mental, and emotional terrorizing.
  5. On the chance that those honorable intentions can be surfaced and given life in ways that alter the contours of the opposing sides,
  6. with the hope that the conflict can actually shift, in order that
  7. others may be saved through the prevention of future acts of violence and
  8. the aspirations of the FARC community can be legitimately satisfied.

I cannot help but draw parallels to the situation in Palestine. Israel must withdraw. This is the physical and institutional fact. Israelis must move out of the only-always-temporary comfort of The Bubble, must surrender their attachment to the story/history of their own horrific victimization. We in the US must do the same regarding our intent to bolster our status regardless of the fate of others - especially those we know are different; those who think, feel, believe, and perceive the world on other terms than those with which we are most familiar.

We - humanity - must find a way for difference, plurality, and heterogeneity to coexist.

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